Abstract
Background Urban trees are the most conspicuous elements of greenery in cities, providing goods and services that contribute to people’s well-being. However, proper tree care and management are necessary for their survival, particularly for street and residential trees.
Methods Through a survey, our objectives were to identify and quantify the presence of residential and street trees and the contribution of residents in tree planting and care in the city of Xalapa, Mexico. We assessed the dwelling characteristics that facilitate the presence, planting, and care of residential and street trees in the city (socioeconomic level, homeownership, time of inhabitance, and location of dwellings) via Generalized Linear Models.
Results In Xalapa, the presence of residential trees was higher than that of street trees; people contributed significantly to the planting and care of both residential and street trees; the socioeconomic level and time of inhabitance were positively associated with the presence and planting of street trees; and homeownership was positively associated with residential trees. However, tree care was largely independent of tree planting and dwelling characteristics.
Conclusions People’s contributions and commitment to planting and care for residential and street trees are high, with the dwelling characteristics showing as important factors for tree presence and planting, but not for tree care. Recognizing people’s actions and participation in tree planting and care and orienting them towards a positive impact through city planning and management can help to keep Xalapa as a green, functional city that provides quality benefits and services to the urban dwellers.
Introduction
Urban greenery is an important component of cities and plays a crucial role in enhancing the quality of life of urbanites (Pickett et al. 2001; Forman 2014). It is distributed across public and private land, from remnant vegetation patches to parks, lawns, and gardens (Andersson et al. 2014). Trees, the most conspicuous elements of urban greenery (Pauleit 2003; McPherson et al. 2016), provide a range of benefits from social and cultural to environmental and economic (Tyrväinen et al. 2005; Nowak and Dwyer 2007; Roy et al. 2012). They store carbon and release oxygen, contribute to microclimate regulation, provide shelter and resources for urban wildlife, produce food, and constitute aesthetic spaces for educational and recreational activities, with positive impacts on physical and mental health (Rakhshandehroo et al. 2015; Bratman et al. 2019; Cox et al. 2019; Vogt 2020). Despite their numerous benefits, urban trees can also be perceived as a source of disservices, presenting challenges such as infrastructure damage, allergies, disease vectors, increased pollutant concentrations, and maintenance costs (Lyytimäki et al. 2008; Camacho-Cervantes et al. 2014; Delshammar et al. 2015).
In cities, trees undergo stressful conditions such as water scarcity, compact and impoverished soils, pollution, vandalism, pests and diseases, and the general consequences of climate change (Nowak et al. 1990; Tubby and Webber 2010; Steenberg et al. 2017; Esperon-Rodriguez et al. 2022). However, the preferences and decisions of people and local authorities can affect the health and condition of trees by influencing the characteristics of the tree community (e.g., cover, distribution, species composition and diversity)(Pauleit 2003; Kirkpatrick et al. 2012; Conway and Vander Vecht 2015; Vogt et al. 2015; Watkins et al. 2017). Since the main source of urban tree establishment is planting, tree survival and mortality are related to the tolerance of species and individuals to urban conditions; however, proper tree care, either by residents or local authorities, is a key factor in the prevalence of street and residential trees in cities (Gilbertson and Bradshaw 1985; Summit and McPherson 1998; Koeser et al. 2013; Roman et al. 2014; Vogt et al. 2015; Conway 2016; Roman et al. 2016; Smith et al. 2019).
Tree planting and care performed by people on residential lots and the streetscapes near their homes can be considered activities aimed at enhancing the experience of nature in urbanized environments (Whitburn et al. 2019; Oh et al. 2021; Cattivelli 2022) and represent a less expensive option for municipalities to green cities (Dean 2005). Nevertheless, implementing programs to engage people in residential tree planting can be challenging because of the diversity of individuals’ attitudes, motivations, knowledge, and preferences regarding tree attributes, functions, and maintenance (Gilbertson and Bradshaw 1985; Summit and McPherson 1998; Conway 2016). Furthermore, street and residential tree planting and care have been associated with characteristics of individuals, households, and neighborhoods (e.g., gender, education, income, homeownership, length of residence, housing age, ethnicity), with contrasting results by region, city, or neighborhood, although often positively associated with women, homeowners, higher income, and higher education (Summit and McPherson 1998; Greene et al. 2011; Kirkpatrick et al. 2012; Donovan and Mills 2014; Watkins et al. 2017; Oh et al. 2021; Ibrahim et al. 2022).
Understanding the role of people as key promoters of urban tree planting and care activities, both on private and immediately adjacent public lands (Summit and McPherson 1998; Hunter and Brown 2012; Dilley and Wolf 2013; Conway 2016), provides valuable information for developing programs aimed at maintaining and enhancing greenery in cities (Summit and Sommer 1998; Greene et al. 2011). Our objective was to assess the actions carried out by the people in favor of local greening in Xalapa, a small-to-medium-sized Mexican city. For this, we aimed to identify and quantify (1) the presence of trees in the yards of residential lots (hereafter referred to as residential trees) and on the sidewalks in front of the dwellings (hereafter referred to as street trees), (2) people’s contribution in the planting of residential and street trees, (3) people’s commitment to residential and street tree care, and (4) the dwelling characteristics that facilitate the presence, planting, and care of trees in the city. As has been found for survival and mortality associated with tree planting and care (Nowak et al. 1990; Summit and McPherson 1998; Greene et al. 2011; Vogt et al. 2015), we expected that the presence, planting, and care of residential and street trees in Xalapa would be positively associated with higher socioeconomic level of dwellings, longer time of inhabitance, dwellings occupied by their owners, and dwellings located in neighborhoods rather than subdivisions. With this study, we aimed to contribute to the quantification and analysis of residents’ tree planting and care in private and public spaces for Xalapa, a neotropical city for which, as for many Latin American cities, data and knowledge on urban forestry and urban greening by the population are largely unknown (Roy et al. 2012; Breuste 2013). To our knowledge, there is no previously published information on the presence, planting, and care of residential and street trees in Xalapa. While the information we provide here is at the local level, within a broader panorama, it contributes to an understanding of how people engage with urban greening in Latin America, and how greening practices compare to those of other urban areas with similar conditions in other regions of the world.
Methods
Site Description
We carried out this study in Xalapa, a small-to-mediumsized city in central Veracruz, Mexico (Figure 1). The urban area of Xalapa covers approximately 64 km2 and harbors approximately 550,000 inhabitants (INEGI 2021). Within an elevation range of 1120 to 1720 m above sea level (INEGI 2009), the climate of the city is humid semi-warm in the southeast and humid temperate in the northwest (Soto-Esparza and Gómez-Columna 1993). The geographical, natural, and social conditions gave rise to an important system of public and private green spaces (García-Campos 1993; Lemoine-Rodríguez et al. 2019). Xalapa is currently considered a ‘green city’, as its urban greenery covers more than one-third of its area (Falfán et al. 2018; Von Thaden et al. 2021). While the city is settled on the once-original vegetation of cloud forest and tropical dry forest and is surrounded by cloud forest fragments and agroecosystems (Castillo-Campos 1991; INEGI 2009), the current vegetation of Xalapa is composed of native and exotic species (García-Campos 1993; Falfán and MacGregor-Fors 2016). As in many other cities worldwide (Avolio et al. 2018), tree planting is a common practice in Xalapa, performed mainly by residents in private spaces (e.g., home gardens, front yards, backyards), and by local authorities in public spaces (e.g., parks, streets, and median strips), according to reforestation plans and their attributions within the legal framework of the city (Castillo-Campos 1991; Garizurieta 2018; DMA 2022). The plants to be sown can be obtained from municipal and private nurseries and by way of personal propagation of cuttings and scions from specimens located in the city’s green spaces. In Xalapa, urban tree care is the responsibility of both municipal authorities and citizens, according to local ordinances. This responsibility falls on citizens when trees are on private property or the front sidewalk of private property (GEV 2018), subject to certain regulations. For example, pruning of old or big trees requires permission from the competent authority, but pruning of shrubs or small trees for ornamental or aesthetic purposes does not require a permit. For urban tree removal, including those on private property, a signed permit must be obtained from the competent authority (AXV 2019).
Data Collection
We developed a questionnaire of 15 items divided into 4 sections: (1) information about the respondents, (2) information about the dwellings, (3) trees inside residential lots, and (4) trees on the sidewalks in front of dwellings (Appendix 1). To check and improve our questionnaire’s clarity, readability, feasibility, and suitability, we conducted a pilot test with 2 small samples of respondents similar to the target population. We obtained feedback from them on the difficulty, length, and format of our instrument and adjusted the wording, layout, and instructions, accordingly (Yusoff et al. 2021). We conducted interviews in dwellings throughout Xalapa, following a citywide sampling scheme (MacGregor-Fors 2019), which consisted of placing a 750 × 750 m point grid on a polygon of the city continuum, outlined following the criteria of building aggregation of and presence of communication paths according to MacGregor-Fors (2010) and Lemoine-Rodríguez et al. (2019). Points within the city polygon were relocated to the nearest accessible street if they fell into inaccessible locations. We considered only those points on streets of residential land use as final sampling sites, resulting in a total of 92 sampling sites (Figure 1). We collected information from 2 dwellings within a 100 m radius of each sampling site where residents agreed to answer the questionnaire, after first explaining the objectives of the survey. In 7 sampling sites (7.6 %), the residents of only 1 dwelling consented to participate. We surveyed a total of 177 dwellings. Since the respondents were the persons present in the dwelling at the time of the survey, over 16 years of age, who agreed to answer the questionnaire (i.e., only 1 respondent per dwelling, n = 177), no dwellings or respondents were selected a priori. We conducted all questionnaires face-to-face (i.e., a data collection method in which the interviewer asks questions through a questionnaire and the respondent answers these questions)(Loosveldt 2008), from August to October 2013. All respondents’ participation was voluntary and confidential.
Data Analysis
To assess differences between the proportions of tree presence, planting, and care, we did 1- and 2-sample tests for equality of proportions with continuity correction, reporting χ2 values. When the χ2 assumptions were not met (mainly when one or more of the expected frequencies was less than 5)(Crawley 2013), we performed Fisher’s exact test (which reports odds ratios [OR] and 95% confidence intervals [CI]). To test the relationships between the presence of residential and street trees and between tree planting and care practices, we performed a Pearson’s chi-squared test with Yates’ continuity correction. We assessed the relationship between the presence, planting, and care of residential and street trees (dependent variables) and dwellings’ characteristics (independent variables) by using GLMs (generalized linear models) with a binomial error distribution considering an inverse logistic link function (i.e., “logit”)(Hosmer and Lemeshow 2000; Crawley 2013). Dwellings’ characteristics were (1) dwelling inhabited by homeowners (no, yes), (2) time of inhabitance in years, (3) location of dwelling in neighborhood or subdivision (in a neighborhood people buy a land lot and build their houses according to their preferences and financial possibilities; in a subdivision, builders divide the land into lots of similar size and build the houses according to the same design for eventual sale)(HAV 2018), and (4) socioeconomic level of the household (i.e., low, medium, high; using a categorical qualitative wealth scale based on house construction materials, facade condition, condition of surrounding urban infrastructure, and house size, following MacGregor-Fors and Schondube 2011). We ran the models for residential and street trees separately. We report χ2 and p-values for the fitted models, as well as McFadden’s pseudo-R2 , where LLmod is the log-likelihood value for the fitted model and LL0 is the log-likelihood for the null model)(Hardin and Hilbe 2007; Gordon 2012). For the tree planting and care analysis, we assigned dwellings where respondents reported that some of the existent trees had been planted but some had not, proportionally to the observed frequencies; missing values were not considered. We performed all statistical procedures in R (Figure 2)(R Core Team 2019).
Results
Respondents’ and Dwellings’ Characteristics
All respondents (n = 177; one per dwelling) were Mexican, from 17 to 86 years of age (average 47.1 ± 17.2 SD), and predominantly female (57.6%); males accounted for 36.7%, and 5.7% were missing data. The schooling degree of 67.8% of respondents was high school and lower; 22.5% had a bachelor’s degree, 2.3% had a postgraduate degree, and only 5.1% had no schooling (2.3% of the data was missing). Half of the respondents (50.8%) were born in Xalapa, 33.4% in other urban and non-urban settlements of Veracruz State, and the remaining 15.8 % in other settlements in Mexico. The time that respondents had lived in Xalapa ranged from a few months to 80 years (average 30.9 ± 18.7 SD), with one-third having lived in Xalapa their entire lives. Of the surveyed dwellings, 78.5% were inhabited by their homeowners, with only one missing data (0.6%). Most of the dwellings (83.6%) were in neighborhoods, and a few (16.4%) were in subdivisions. At the time of the survey, the dwellings had been inhabited by their current residents for 0.02 to 69 years, with an average time of inhabitance of 18.7 ± 15.1 years.
Residential Tree Presence, Planting, and Care
Of the 177 dwellings surveyed, 52% were reported with the presence of trees, and 48% without trees, with no difference between these proportions (χ2 = 0.203, df = 1, p = 0.652). Of the dwellings where respondents reported having trees (n = 92), in 70.7% of them, residents planted the trees, while in 34.8% of dwellings did not (percentages equal > 100% due to respondents who indicated they planted some of the trees, but not all of them). In the latter case, previous residents planted the trees or were established naturally. Data showed a significant difference in proportions in favor of residential tree planting (χ2 = 14.880, df = 1, p < 0.001). Tree care occurred in most dwellings, whether residents planted the trees (86.2%) or not (78.1%), with no significant relationship between residents’ tree planting and tree care (χ2= 0.505, df = 1, p = 0.477). All these frequencies and percentages of the presence, planting, and care of residential trees across Xalapa are shown in Figure 3A. Tree care practices reported in 76 dwellings included pruning (n = 49; 64.5%), watering (n = 41; 53.9%), adding fertilizers or compost (n = 25; 32.9%), phytosanitary measures (e.g., insecticides, fumigation; n = 11; 14.5%), and cleaning and weeding (n = 8; 10.5%). Only one respondent (1.3%) reported that they “care” for their trees without further explanation (Figure 4).
Street Tree Presence, Planting, and Care
The presence of street trees on the sidewalks in front of the 177 surveyed dwellings was low; only 26.6% (n = 47) of the dwellings were reported to have tree presence, while 73.4% (n = 130) did not, representing significant differences between them (χ2 = 37.989, df = 1, p < 0.001). Of the 47 dwellings with street trees, residents reported that they planted the existing trees in 72.3% of them. In 19.1% of the dwellings with street trees, residents did not plant the trees, showing significant differences (χ2 = 8.511, df = 1, p = 0.004). We had missing data for 8.6% of the dwellings. Of the 34 cases where residents planted street trees, 91.2% reported caring for them, and 8.8% did not. Of the 9 dwellings where residents did not plant street trees, 66.7% cared for these trees, and 33.3% did not. Residents’ care for street trees was higher when they planted them than when they do not, however, this difference was not significant according to Fisher’s exact test (p = 0.095; CI 95%: 0.530, 46.535) for an odds ratio of 4.9. The frequencies and percentages for the presence, planting, and care of street trees on the sidewalks in front of surveyed dwellings across Xalapa are in Figure 3B.
Of the 47 dwellings with street trees, most respondents (87.2 %; n = 41) reported providing care to the trees. The most frequent care practices reported for street trees were pruning and watering (> 50%), followed by adding fertilizer or compost, and cleaning and weeding (17.0% and 10.6 %, respectively). Phytosanitary care, provision of mechanical support, and surveillance were reported in only one dwelling each (Figure 4).
Residential and Street Tree Presence, Planting, and Care
We found a higher presence of residential trees than of street trees, with significant differences in the proportions (χ2 = 22.933, df = 1,p < 0.001). We recorded a few dwellings with the presence of both residential and street trees (n = 23; 13.0 %), with no relationship between their presence (χ2 = 0.100, df = 1, p = 0.752). Nonetheless, once given the presence of trees inside or in front of dwellings, the probability that those trees were planted was high and similar in both cases (χ2 < 0.000, df = 1, p = 0.992). The proportion of dwellings where people cared for residential trees and the proportion of dwellings where they cared for street trees were similar (χ2 = 0.213, df = 1, p = 0.645). Such a tree care affinity was maintained when considering the proportions of dwellings with planted residential and planted street trees only (OR = 0.605, p = 0.537, CI 95%: 0.098, 2.663). While the presence of trees was related to tree planting, tree care was not statistically related to tree planting (χ2= 2.937, df = 1, p = 0.087). However, the frequencies of the reported care practices varied depending on whether the trees were street or residential, with street trees receiving comparatively more care and attention from residents than residential trees (Figure 4).
Relationship Between Presence, Planting, and Care of Trees and Dwelling Characteristics
Our results showed that the presence of residential trees, the planting of street trees, and the care of residential and street trees were largely independent of the evaluated dwellings’ characteristics (socioeconomic level, time of inhabitance, home ownership, dwelling in neighborhood or subdivision). The presence of street trees was positively associated with the time of inhabitance and the dwellings’ socioeconomic level. For each year increment in time of inhabitance, the probability of the presence of street trees increased only 1.03 times, while by 1 increase in socioeconomic level, the probability of street tree presence would be 1.89 times higher. Residential tree planting was positively related to dwellings inhabited by their homeowners and would be 5.11 times higher in dwellings occupied by homeowners than in the case where they were not (Table 1).
Discussion
In cities, the planting and care of residential and street trees by people are necessary practices for tree presence, growth, and survival (Kirkpatrick et al. 2012; Roman et al. 2016). Our results showed that residents of Xalapa are important contributors to tree planting and are highly engaged in tree care on private and public property. Given the proportion of reported planted trees we found, our results were consistent with previous findings that the primary source of residential and street trees is planting rather than natural establishment (Roman et al. 2014; Avolio et al. 2018).
Residential and Street Tree Presence and Planting
The presence of residential trees was higher than the presence of street trees as has been shown for other cities in Australia, Canada, and the United States (Summit and McPherson 1998; Kirkpatrick et al. 2011; Sousa-Silva et al. 2023), highlighting the important role of residents as active agents of residential greenery. Contrary to the expected, the presence of street trees did not indicate much about the presence of trees in dwellings since the proportion of dwellings having both residential and street trees was low, with no relationship between the presence of both types of trees. Nevertheless, this absence of association could indicate different underlying processes in the presence of trees related to the private or public nature of the spaces, and to the stewardship type and stakeholders acting on each type of space (Kirkpatrick et al. 2011).
Residential and Street Tree Care
The performance of tree management practices indicates the people’s interest in maintaining healthy, aesthetic, and safe trees (Summit and McPherson 1998). The diverse tree care practices performed by residents in Xalapa suggest their active involvement in the survival and aesthetic value of trees. Pruning was the most reported care practice for residential and street trees (Summit and McPherson 1998; Speak and Salbitano 2023), which is important to maintain their proper structure, help in their growth and aesthetics, and prevent branch fall (Badrulhisham and Othman 2016). Watering, the second most common reported care practice in the city, ensures access to water for both residential and street trees (Nowak et al. 1990). However, watering practice varies across climatic regions, being more frequent in hotter and drier regions (Locke et al. 2019). In Xalapa, although it rains year-round, there is a heatwave in the summer (Soto-Esparza and Gómez-Columna 1993), when watering is vital. Other less frequent care practices included adding fertilizer or compost, phytosanitary care, and cleaning and weeding, which had been also infrequent in other studies (Summit and McPherson 1998; Locke et al. 2019).
Tree Presence, Planting, and Care Related to Dwelling Characteristics
The results showed that the planting and care practices of residential and street trees were related to some dwellings’ characteristics, although relationships varied according to the practice and the type of tree. In the case of residential trees in Xalapa, homeowners were active promoters of residential greening of the city, deciding what, why, when, and where to plant, which is consistent with what has been described in other cities (Summit and McPherson 1998; Acar et al. 2007; Marco et al. 2010; Dilley and Wolf 2013; Conway 2016; Guo et al. 2019; Danquah et al. 2023), with an impact on the tree species composition, diversity, and coverage (Kirkpatrick et al. 2012; Conway and Vander Vecht 2015; Avolio et al. 2018; Roman et al. 2018). Street tree presence was associated with dwellings’ socioeconomic level, showing that Xalapa follows the trend already reported for other cities of generally more street trees in wealthier zones (Landry and Chakraborty 2009; Kirkpatrick et al. 2011; Li et al. 2015; Lockwood and Berland 2019). Since the socioeconomic level of dwellings was associated with street tree presence but not with street tree planting, it is plausible that their presence was more related to the planting efforts of municipal authorities rather than people (Kendal et al. 2012; Kirkpatrick et al. 2012). Furthermore, the low proportion of street trees on the sidewalks in front of the dwellings could indicate that efforts from local authorities have been oriented towards planting in public spaces such as parks and large avenues, rather than in neighborhood streets, as also shown in the calls for tree planting campaigns in the city (Garizurieta 2018; DMA 2022). This seems to be a generalized situation in cities (Pincetl et al. 2013), although some efforts have also been oriented toward private spaces (Perkins et al. 2004; Conway et al. 2022). The significant positive relationship of time of inhabitance only with street tree presence, linked to the lack of evidence of their association with street tree planting, as in Summit and McPherson (1998) for residential trees, could indicate a positive relationship between street tree presence and the age of the neighborhoods, as older neighborhoods are often reported to be greener (Grove et al. 2006; Lowry Jr. et al. 2012).
Contrary to our expectations, tree care was not associated with dwellings’ characteristics as reported in the literature (Grove et al. 2006; Roman et al. 2014; Locke et al. 2019). The lack of such associations shows that in Xalapa, residents are engaged in tree care in both public and private spaces regardless of ownership situation, socioeconomic level, time of inhabitance, and location of the dwelling in neighborhoods or subdivisions. According to the local ordinance, the care of trees is the responsibility of residents when they are on the sidewalk in front of private property (GEV 2018). However, based on our results, it seems that in Xalapa, residents care for trees because they want to, rather than out of obligation.
In terms of socioeconomic level, tree planting and care by people involve time and money investment, whether they do it themselves or hire people to do it for them (Summit and McPherson 1998; Dean 2005; Locke et al. 2019). This suggests a high level of commitment by Xalapa residents to their trees, including street trees for which residents often consider that their care is the responsibility of the government authorities (Moskell and Allred 2013). Limitations to tree planting and care of residential and street trees due to a lack of financial possibilities, support, or incentives (Pincetl et al. 2013) did not appear to be the case in Xalapa.
Limitations of the Survey
While residential and street tree planting and care practices appeared to be related to some of the dwellings’ characteristics evaluated, it would be useful to evaluate the role of other dwelling, neighborhood, or individual attributes that we did not consider in this study, such as education, population density, age, or gender (Greene et al. 2011; Donovan and Mills 2014; Conway 2016; Watkins et al. 2017; Guo et al. 2019; Cattivelli 2022; Ibrahim et al. 2022; Danquah et al. 2023). At the individual level, we did not assess possible relationships between respondents’ characteristics and residential and street tree planting and care in Xalapa, as has been done in other studies (Marco et al. 2010), because our respondents were not necessarily those who made the decisions regarding tree planting and care in the surveyed dwellings, the reason why we here focused only on dwelling characteristics.
Because we aimed to keep the questionnaire as short and simple as possible, we missed information from a more in-depth approach on residents’ knowledge, possibilities, preferences, willingness, and motivations regarding residential and street tree care and planting. We did not record information on the number, species, or structure of the reported trees, which would have provided a richer context for tree planting and care in Xalapa. Finally, while our data were recorded ten years ago, to our knowledge, there is no previously published information on the presence, planting, and care of residential and street trees in Xalapa. Although the numbers may have changed, we provide valid and useful information to compare with current or future information on this topic for the city.
Implications for Urban Greening in Xalapa
It is important to develop local strategies to integrate the residents’ willingness to plant and care for urban trees into greening programs and campaigns that motivate them also to continue planting and retaining their trees (Summit and McPherson 1998; Summit and Sommer 1998; Marco et al. 2010; Carmichael and McDonough 2018; Danquah et al. 2023). People’s participation is an integral part of the overall strategy to use urban greenery and green space systems against climate change and to achieve sustainability and resilience in cities (Gill et al. 2007; Pitman et al. 2015). This strategy needs to be implemented at different scales within the city and with the collaboration of several stakeholders intervening at several levels of stewardship (Andersson et al. 2014; Breger et al. 2019). To implement these strategies, additional information is needed on motives, knowledge, and decisions behind people’s tree preferences (Camacho-Cervantes et al. 2014; Speak et al. 2022), other tree planting and care practices (Cattivelli 2022; Ibrahim et al. 2022; Lange et al. 2022), as well as on aspects such as tree species composition, survival and mortality rates (Roman et al. 2014; Breger et al. 2019; Salisbury et al. 2022), frequency of care practices, and assessment of other household and individual characteristics (Marco et al. 2010; Ibrahim et al. 2022). This study is a first step toward a comprehensive understanding of how people’s actions on private and public lands can impact the city’s greenery for the benefit of the people themselves and the wildlife groups in Xalapa.
Conclusions
In Xalapa, the contribution of residents to tree planting, as well as their commitment to tree care on both private and public land, was high. Dwelling characteristics were important determinants of tree presence and planting, particularly, socioeconomic level and years of residents’ stay, in the case of street trees, and homeownership for residential trees. Tree care was largely independent of tree planting and dwelling characteristics. The overall commitment of the people of Xalapa to tree care was high and could be included in greening programs for public, private, and semi-private spaces. Furthermore, it would be useful for the city to encourage residents to retain or start, the planting and care of trees in their residential lots while facilitating them with information on the suitability of tree species to be planted according to the characteristics of the dwellings and their expectations and preferences for trees. Recognizing people’s actions and participation in tree planting and care and orienting it towards a positive impact through city planning and management, can help to keep Xalapa as a green functional city that provides high-quality benefits and services to the city dwellers.
Conflicts of Interest
The authors reported no conflicts of interest.
Acknowledgments
The authors thank Montserrat Solano, Diego Osorio, Dalia Luna, and Leila García for their assistance with data collection. Ina Falfán acknowledges the scholarship provided by the National Council of Science and Technology (CONACYT, 344590) and the Doctoral Program of the Instituto de Ecología, A.C. (INECOL). This study was partially supported by the project “Patrones ecológicos y percepción social de la diversidad biológica que habita en la ciudad de Xalapa: Un enfoque multidisciplinario” of the Instituto de Ecología, A.C. (INECOL).
Appendix. Questionnaire on presence, planting, and care of residential and street trees in Xalapa, Mexico
Section 1. Respondent’s information
1. Sex—Recorded as female or male.
2. Age—Recorded in years.
3. School level—Coded as: none (0), primary school (1), middle school (2), high school (3), vocational/technical school (4), university/bachelor’s degree (5), postgraduate degree (6).
4. Place of birth—Recorded as nominal.
5. Time living in Xalapa—Recorded in years.
Section 2. Information regarding the dwelling
6. Type of dwelling—Recorded by us as dwelling in a neighborhood or subdivision.
7. Socioeconomic level of the dwelling—Recorded by us from 1 to 3.
8. Are you the owners of the dwelling?—Recorded as no or yes.
9. How long have you lived in the dwelling?—Recorded in years.
Section 3. Trees and shrubs in the dwelling
10. There are trees or shrubs in your dwelling?—Recorded as no or yes. If yes:
11. Did you plant them?—Recorded as no or yes.
12. What type of care do you provide them?
Section 4. Trees and shrubs on sidewalks in front of the dwelling
13. There are trees or shrubs on the sidewalk in front of your dwelling?—Recorded as no or yes.
If yes:
14. Did you plant them?—Recorded as no or yes.
15. What type of care do you provide them?
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